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IN 


THE NUMERAL ADJECTIVE 
THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE OF SOUTHERN OREGON. 


3 


BY ALBERT S. GAT8CHET. 

From the American Antiquarian, Vol. n, No. III. 

In the large majority of Indian languages the numeral noun 
morphologically differs from the Indo-European and Semitic 
numeral. We distinguish with precision between the cardinal 
and the ordinal and adverbial numeral; the Indian, in many or 
most instances, neglects this distinction, but in counting uses two 
forms of the cardinal, a shorter and a longer one. A series of 
distributive numerals is a rarity in the old world, but on the 
Pacific coast of America it is sometimes met with. Classifying 
adjectives, participles, or particles, are not uncommon in America, 
as additions to the numerals, determining the shape of the objects 
counted or spoken of. In Indo-European languages the numerals 
are so much ground down in their forms on account of their high 
antiquity, that only lengthy and most erudite comparisons can 
teach us the fact, that the numeration system is the quinary 
one; but in most Indian tongues the numeral forms are so trans¬ 
parent and perspicuous, that we can determine without trouble 
whether the counting system is the binary, ternary, quaternary, 
quinary, decimal or duodecimal. 

Of the language spoken by the Klamath or Maklaks Indians of 
south western Oregon, I have given short descriptive articles in 
Yol. I, Nos. 2 and 3, of this quarterly, and from these it will be 
remembered that both dialects, the Modoc, or southern, and the 
Klamath Lake, or northern one, show some slight lexical differ¬ 
ences. 

In this upland language there are two modes of counting. In 
the longer the numerals are formed by the formative suffix —ni, 
a suffix usually appended to adjectives designating abstract 
qualities; the numerals in —ni are cardinals and adverbial 
numerals simultaneously, and if anything like ordinal numerals 
could enter into the mind of the Maklaks Indians, they would 
answer for this series also.* The shorter form represents the 
nude stem of the numeral without the —n% and stands for our 
cardinal only; it mostly serves for counting, rapid figuring, and 
for forming compound numerals above ten. 

The numeral undergoes the same inflectional changes as the 
adjective. It is declined almost like the adjective; that is, it 
forms a series of cases by means of case-suffixes, or a kind of 
postpositions, which are not quite so numerous and multiform 
as in the declension of the substantive noun. It also possesses 

^Ia a circumscriptive manner the Shfiwano language forms its ordinals by prefixing 
mawi- to the cardinal and suffixing to it -sene, -thene. Thus, nisuathui seven forms 
mawinisuathene seventh. The suffix can also be dropped, and then we have mawinisua- 
thui seventh. 



2 




A 

Or 


a distributive form, which inflects for case exactly like the abso¬ 
lute form and can in almost every respect be compared to the 
Latin form seni , septeni , octoni , &c. 

Follow the numerals in -ni from one half to ten with their 
distributive forms, the apocopated forms and the inflectional 
paradigm: 

EXPLICIT FORMS OF THE NUMERALS 

Absolute Form. 

One half na-igshtani, Modoc: na/gshtani 
One, na/dsh, na/sh, na/s; once, tina 
Two, twice: la/peni, la/p’ni, la'pi 
Three, third, three times: nd&nni, ndani 
Four, fourth, four times: wiinepni, vunepni 
Five, fifth, five times: tunepni 
Six, sixth, six times: nadshkshapt&nkni 
Seven, seventh, seven times: lapkshaptankni 
Eight, eighth, eight times: ndankshaptankni 
Nine, ninth, nine times: nadshske'kni > 

(Klamath Lake) ) 

Nine, ninth, nine times: shkekishkni (Modoc) 

Ten, tenth, ten times: ta-unepni, te-unepni 


UP TO TEN. 

Distributive Form. 

nanigshtani 

nanash 

la lap’ni, la lapi 

nd&ndani 

vu-unepni 

tutenepni 

nanashkshapt^nkni 

lalapkshaptankni 

ndandankshaptankni 

nanadshske'kni 

sjes^ekishni 

tetunepni 


APOCOPATED FORMS OF THE NUMERALS UP TO TEN. 


One half: na-igshta, Modoc: na'gshta 


One: 
Two: 
Three: 
Four: 
Five: 
Six: 
Seven: 
Eight: 


na'sh, nas 
la'p 
nd&n 


nan’gshta 

n&nash 

ldlap 

nddndan 


vunep, u nip vu-unep, u-unip 

tiinep, tunip tiitenep 

nashksh^pta, na'sksapt nanashksapt 

lapkshapta, la pksapt Ulapkshapt 

ndanksapta, ndanksapt ndandanksapt 

Nine: na'shskeksh,na'sjeks(KlamathLake) nd,nadsjeksh 

Nine: shkekish, skeks (Modoc) s^esjbkish 

Ten: ^ ta-unep, te-unip tetunep, tetiinip 

The Klamath numeral precedes the noun which it qualifies. 

It would be too lengthy and out of place to discuss here the 
various phonetic modes of deriving the distributive from the 
absolute form. The idea of severalty, or apportionment, is con¬ 
nected with this form and it is evolved by what I call distribu¬ 
tive reduplication of the first syllable. 

If a compound number (viz" a numeral above ten) is spoken 
of distributively, the first numeral of the compound and not the 
second is reduplicated. Thus, when I say “Give me thirty eggs 
every day, this will be rendered by ndandan’sh te-unip napal 
nanuk waitash nish lui, and not by ndandan’sh tetiinip, nor by 
ndan’sh tetiinip napal. 


When numerals are connected with “classifiers/’ it will suffice 
to reduplicate the classifier distributively, though it would not 
be incorrect to do the same also with the first numeral of the 
number expressed. 

For case the Maklaks numeral is inflected like the substan¬ 
tive, when used predicatively; but when used attributively the 
numeral will be inflected almost like the attributive adjective, 
or even with poorer and more truncated case-endings. 

ATTRIBUTIVE INFLECTIONAL PARADIGM. 

The inflection of the attributive numeral in its absolute form 
runs as follows: 

ndd,nni t&taksni—three children (subjective case) 
nd&nna or ndannenash 4 tatakiash—three children (objective 
case) 

ndannenam tatakiam—belonging to, or of three children 
ndannantka tatakiamti, or tatakiamat—about three children 
ndannantka tatakiashtka—by means of three children 
nd&nna tatakiam^e'ni, or tatakiamkshje'ni—where the three 
children are 

nd&nna tatakiamkshi—where the three children live 
ndanna tatakiamkshtala—towards the place where the three 
children live 

This paradigm proves the fact that to the numeral only 
case-suffixes, no case postpositions are appended; but both 
occur in the substantive, even in combinations of three at a time. 

COMPOUND NUMERALS. 

Numerals composed of hundreds, decads (tens) and units are 
inflected only in the units, the locative suffix -nta not being here 
considered as a form of declension. This suffix (-tat, -ta, —nta, 
-anta, -nt) serves to connect decadic numerals and what pre¬ 
cedes them, to the following units. Thus, seventeen, ta-unep- 
&nta l&pkshapt pe-ula really means “upon the ten seven I lay 
down,” or, “to the ten seven I add.” This number can also be 
expressed by saying: td-unepni pen l&pkshapt pe-ula; “ten, again 
seven I lay down;” the particle pan, pen “also, again, once more, 
additively” corresponding here to our and. 

Where units are added to decads, the smaller number may be 
placed first, and then need not be accompanied by pen. Thus 
we have the choice between these four methods for expressing 
forty-three', vunepni ta-unepdnta nd&n pe-ula; vunepni ta-unep 
pen nd&n pe-ula; nd&n pen vunepni td-unep pe-ula; nd£n vunep¬ 
ni td-unep pe-ula. 

The fraction nd-igshta, na'gshta one-half is usually placed 
after the classifying term; tamnep&nta Mp pe-ula na'gsta tdla 
nu pewi: I paid twelve dollars and a half. 


4 


Numerals standing in the instrumental case, m-tka, and not 
connected with another noun attributively, have an adverbial 
meaning, in which the idea of instrumentality is still apparent ; 
lapautka hut shim, he was shot twice, viz. “by two shots; 
hiik nish Mpukantka shlatdmpka, they drew their bows at me 
both at the same time, viz. “they began to shoot at me with two 

bows.” „ 

Classifying terms in constant connection with numerals, or tor 
short “classifiers of form,” are observed in many foreign lan¬ 
guages and testify to the prevalent tendency of rude popula¬ 
tions to speak with graphic and pictorial accuracy. Six suffixes 
of this kind are affixed for the same purpose to Aztec numerals, 
and about twenty to those of the Maya language of lucatan;* 
but the mode in which we see classifiers applied in the Klamath 
language is probably unique. 

In this language the classifiers are not suffixed particles, but 
verbs and their participles,descriptive of form, shape or exterior 
of the articles mentioned or counted. They invariably stand 
after the numeral and usually after the name of the article, the 
shape of which is described; they are appended only to the 
numerals above ten, not to decads or numbers which terminate 
in a zero when expressed by figures. This fact fully explains 
the nature and origin of these classifying terms: they are intend¬ 
ed to classify only the unit or units after the decad and not the 
decad itself. For the unit following immediately the decad in 
counting, as 11, 21, 61, 131 is in many instances qualified by 
other classifiers than the units between 2 and 9, as 22-29, 62-69, 
etc., because the former can be applied to single objects only, 
while the latter refer to a plurality of objects. Thus, when I say: 
ta-unep&nta na'sh lutish likla, eleven berries , this literally means 
“upon the ten berries one I deposit (or you deposit) on the top;” 
in ldp’ni ta-unep&nta tiinep lutish pe-ula, twenty-five berries , I 
intend to say “upon the twice ten berries five I put (or he, she 
puts) on the top;” or “after twice ten berries five he lays down.” 
Likla and pe-ula refer both to round shaped articles only; but 
the ten or twenty berries counted previously are not referred to 
by the classifier, only the units mentioned or counted. Before 
the classifying verb some subject pronoun as nu, i, hut (7, you , 
he or she) is elliptically omitted, but not before its participles 
liklatko, pe-ulatko. 

The verbs used in classifying the counted objects differ among 
themselves because they are descriptive of different exterior 
forms, but all are identical in their signification, which is that of 
depositing , laying down , placing on the top of. The simple 

*Besides numerals, other terms of the Maya language will also affix to themselves these 
classifiers. In Creek, classifiers are added not to numerals, but to other words ; nini w&kin 
othlaltchatis, they reached a path “lying down.” 



verbal form, absolute or distributive, is used, when the speaker 
is just engaged in counting the objects; the past-participial form 
“ laid down' is used in its direct or oblique cases, absolute or 
distributive, when the articles were counted previously and a 
statement of their number is made. 

The fact that the units from one to nine are not accompanied 
by these terms, must be explained by some aboriginal mode of 
counting. It is proper to assume that the first ten objects, as 
fish, bulbs, arrows, were deposited on the ground in a file or row, 
or aside of each other, while with the eleventh a new file was 
started, or when the objects were bulky they were placed on top 
of the articles of the first dccad. This explanation is suggested 
by the original meaning of these terms. 

Examples are as follows: 

Tunepni ta-unepanta nash maklaksash kshiklapkash i-am- 
natko: commanding: (lit., “having with him”) fifty-one Indians. 

Ta-unepanta tunep pe-ulapkash Modokishash hii shlea: he 
found fifteen Modoc Indians. 

The list of classifiers subjoined gives their meaning as far as 
they occur connected with numerals; the verb ikla forms the 
majority of them, by means of various prefixes. 

LIST OF NUMERAL CLASSIFIERS. 

Likla, part, liklatko, with their distributive forms as seen in 
our numeral series printed below, are found appended to nu¬ 
merals above ten embodying the first unit after the decad, as 
21, 91, 441, etc., and mentioning articles £>f globular, circular, 
annular shape, or objects of a bulky, heavy-looking exterior. 
As the prefix 1- refers to round or rounded things, the meaning 
of likla is “to deposit one rounded thing.” We find it used 
when speaking of beans, seeds, fruits, berries, balls, eggs, coins 
of money, thimbles, bottles, knives, watches, rocks, stones, boxes, 
wigwams and similar objects. 

Pe-ula, part, pe-ulatko, with their distributive forms, are ap¬ 
pended to numerals made up of more than one unit after the 
decad, as 32-29, 102-109, etc., and mentioning articles of the 
same description as given under likla, and in addition to these, 
persons, animals and divisions of time. Pe-ula is derived from 
pewi, to give or bestow many rounded objects, by means of the 
completive formative suffix -ola, —ula. 

Kshikla or ksikla, part, kshiklatko, with their distributive 
forms, are appended to numerals above ten embodying the first 
unit after each decad, as 31, 181, etc., and mentioning persons 
or animals. Like likla, it is derived from ikla and signifies “to 
lay down one animate being.” 

Ikla, part, iklatko, with their distributive forms, are placed 
after numerals made up of two or more units after the decad, as 


6 


32-39, 142-149, and mentioning or counting inanimate objects 
of a tall, long, or elongated shape, as clubs, sticks, logs, trees, 
poles, boards, fence rails, rides or pistols, boots, etc. The verb 
properly means: “to lay down, or deposit many tall or long 
inanimate objects.” 

Nekla or nikla, part, neklatko, with their distributive forms, 
are appended to numerals containing units from one to nine 
after the decad, and introducing objects of a thin, tiny or smooth 
and level surface or texture, as sheets of cloth, or paper, ker¬ 
chiefs, mats and other tissues, excluding blankets or arti¬ 
cles of dress enveloping the whole body. The verb shukla, of 
same signidcation, which we would expect to introduce th e first 
unit after the decad, is not in use for this purpose. 

Shlekla, part, shleklatko, with their distributive forms, are 
found appended to numerals made up of units from one to nine 
after each decad, and referring to blankets, bedcloth, skins, and 
other large articles of clothing which serve to enwrap the whole 
body. 

Y&la, y&lha, yela, part, y&latko, yelatko are placed after nu¬ 
merals composed of units from one to nine after a decad, and are 
descriptive of long-shaped, tall inanimate objects, and therefore 
analogous to lkla in their use kf 

The following series of numerals is accompanied by different 
classiders for each decad, thus giving successively the whole series 
of classifying terms now in use. After the foregoing explana¬ 
tions readers will have no difficulty in understanding its purport: 

NUMERAL SERIES FROM ELEVEN UPWARD. 

11 ta-unepdnta nadsh likla, distr. lilAkla 

12 ta-unep&nta lap pe-ula, distr. pepula (and so up to:) 

19 ta-unep&nta n&dsyeks pe-ula 

20 l&peni ti,-unep, distr. ldlap td-unep 

21 l&p’ni ta-unep&nta n&dsh liklatko, distr. lildklatko 

22 ldp’ni ta-unep&nta lap pe-ulatko, distr. pepulatko 

(and so further up to:) 

29 Up’ni ta-unep&nta n&dsyeks pe-ulatko 

30 nd&ni td-unep, distr. nd&ndan td-unep 

31 nd&ni ta-unepanta ndsh kshfkla, distr. kshikshdkla 

32 ndani ta-unep&nta l&p lkla, distr. i-akla 

40 vunepni td-unep, distr. vu-unepni td-unep 

41 vunepni ta-unepdnta n&sh kshfklatko, distr. ksiks&klatko 

42 vunepni ta-unepdnta l&p iklatko, distr. i-4klatko 

50 tunepni td-unep, distr. tutenepni td-unep 

51 tunepni ta-unepanta n&dsh nekla, distr. nen&kla 

53 tunepni ta-unep&nta nd£n nikla 

60 nadshkshaptankni ta-unep, distr. nanadshksaptankni ta- 
unep 


7 


61 nadshkshaptankni ta-unepanta nadsh neklatko, distr. 
nenaklatko 

70 lapkshaptankni ta-unep, distr. lalapkshaptankni ta-unep 

71 lapkshaptankni ta-Tinepanta nash shlekla, distr. shlesh- 

lakla 

80 ndanksaptankni ta-unep, distr. ndandanksaptankni ta- 
unep 

82 ndanksaptankni ta-unepanta lap shleklatko, distr. shlesh- 
laklatko 

90 nadshske'ksni ta-unep, distr. nanadsye'ksni ta-unep 

94 nadshyeksni ta-unepanta vunip yala, or yalatko, i-alatko 

100 ta-unepni ta-unep; hundred, tina hundred 

101 ta-unepni ta-unep nash kshikla 

400 vunepni ta-unepni ta-unep 

1000 ta-unepni ta-unepni ta-unep; tina tousan 

It is evident, that with such lengthy numerals the noble 
science of mathematics could not make much headway among 
the Klamath Lake and Modoc people, even if the necessity was 
felt for it. The lack of a distinct form for the ordinal numbers 
renders the terms used for arithmetic fractions unmanageable, 
and the same may be said of the operations where adverbial 
numerals are -required. In earlier times no short term existed 
for hundred and thousand. Fractions and multiplicative numer¬ 
als are formed by adding corresponding participles, as “cut up, 
separated, folded,” to the simple numerals. 

ORIGIN OF THE NUMERALS. 

Without expatiating further on the various uses of the Kla¬ 
math numerals, I proceed to the consideration of their linguistic 
origin, which for the three first is involved in mystery. That 
the numerals of this idiom have the quinary counting system 
for their basis is apparent from the repetition of the three first 
numerals in the terms for six, seven and eight. The two first 
numerals are etymologically related to the corresponding ones 
found in the dialects of the Sahaptin linguistic family (Nez- 
Perce, Yakima, Klikitat, Yumatilla, etc.,) and in that of the 
Waylletpu (Cayuse and Molale), both belonging to the Colum¬ 
bia River basin. The problem of the possible ultimate affinity 
of these families with Klamath, and among each other, could 
not be solved yet on account of our comparative ignorance of 
these idioms; but its solution would undoubtedly throw some 
light upon the origin of these numerals. Yunep and tunep are 
compounds of the word nep, hand, and the prefixes u- and tu-; 
thus vunep, four , means “hand up,” and tunep, five , “hand 
away , hand off,” indicating the termination of the counting on 
four fingers. Kshapta is abbreviated from kshapata, “to bend 
backwards, to lean, recline upon;” the numerals composed with 


8 


this verb indicate the bending over of the digits named, as lap- 
kshapta, seven, for lap mi kshapata “two I have bent backwards,” 
or simply lap kshapata, “two are reclining, leaning (upon the 
palm) of the other hand.” Nadsh-sjekish, “one left over” is 
in Modoc abbreviated into skekish, “what is left;” the same term 
also means “what was left behind, inheritance.” Ta-unep, ten, 
the original form of which seems to. be te-unep, is a repetition 
of tunep .five, with a different prefix indicating plurality. 

If the origin of these numerals is thus correctly traced, their 
originators must have counted only the four long fingers without 
the thumb, awdifive was counted while saying “hand off.” The 
four or “hand up, hand high” intimates that the hand was held 
up high after counting its four digits, and some term expressing 
this gesture was in the case of nine substituted by “one left over; ” 
skekish, which means “one only is left until all are counted.” 
Tribes living in tropical and hot climates mostly possess the 
vigesimal system of numeration, which is rather unfrequent 
among the Indians of the United States. The cause of this is that 
the former go* with their feet naked and therefore use also their 
toes for counting, while the latter are prevented by their mocca¬ 
sins from doing so. Klamath numerals show no affinity with 
the names given to the digits, and hence it is impossible to say 
whether they began counting with the index, or what seems 
more probable, with the smallest finger. 

The comparative study of the numerals of different nations 
and races is most instructive for disclosing certain abstract ideas 
circulating among their originators, and therefore it can teach us 
something about the psychology and the reasoning faculties of 
the prehistoric nations preceding our epoch by hundreds of cen¬ 
turies. Ko wonder that some of the most gifted linguists like 
Fr. Pott, W. von Humboldt, and Aug. Schleicher have indulged 
in their study; they had perceived that a patient and circum¬ 
spective analysis of these remnants of the highest antiquity 
would acquaint us not only with facts, as do the grave-mounds, 
stone-chisels, and flint arrow-heads, but also with ideas , and that 
on account of the continuous order in which they follow each 
other, they are in some regards preferable to disconnected 
radices, stems and derivat.es for revealing the most antique modes 
of mental operations. 

PhilS°“S'y e i875 1 p 1 530 Gabb ’ ^ Indian Tribes and Languages of Costa Rica, Am. 





























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